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奥巴马:当选美44任总统(III) 字体[ ] 颜色[ 绿 ]
分类:文学创作  创建于:2008-11-05 被查看:58084次 [收藏:日记|作者] [评论]

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奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (I)     <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (II)    <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (III)   <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美44任总统(IV)                <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (V)     <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美44任总统 (VI)   <= click the link for details 




奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (III)

Vote: Obama: 369; McCain: 167  (270 = win)


·  四年前让奥巴马迈向白宫之路起点的一篇演讲
·  从马丁·路德·金到奥巴马:我有一个梦
·  2008美国大选人物点评: 总统,女人,种族

·  President Obama's First Step: Reset Expectations
·  Obama faces great expectations, challenging political realities

·  Why Obama Won
·  Voter turnout sets record
·  The Root: What Obama means for America

 <= click the above links for details

- 08 Election is not a victory of a one-man victory (Obama).
- It is the victory of a man with such a humble background to strive to help a country, a nation, and the Americans and the world in such a critical financial and economic crisis not yet seen in a century.
- It is the victory of Democrats.
- It is the victory of all the American people.
- It is the victory of renewing the hopes, the promises, and the belief that all men are created equal. And we are endowed with an unalienable right to pursue life, freedom, and happiness.
- It is the right time to rectify all wrongs with Bush 8 years’ administration




※ 来源: http://www.JiaoYou8.com ※
 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-08 09:50:00  [评论]
correct. it is the change we need both us domestic and internationally to make a better world for everyone in this world. thanks friend and have a good one.



 
wetty
47岁,浙江
评论于:2008-11-08 00:01:33  [评论]

若不是曾有蓄奴制,奥巴马的当选不会成焦点

所以到不说如祝贺一种能自我更新,完善的制度

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 23:08:44  [评论]

奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (I)     <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (II)    <= click the link for details
奥巴马: 当选美国第44任总统 (III)   <= click the link for details

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 23:04:01  [评论]

Obama faces great expectations, challenging political realities

Great expectations: Obama will have to deliver

WASHINGTON – Over and over, Barack Obama told voters if they stuck with him "we will change this country and change the world." They did, and now their expectations for him to deliver are firmly planted on his shoulders. Many supporters greeted his victory with euphoria.

Impatient for a new American era and overcome by a black man's historic ascension to the White House, they took his achievement for their own — weeping, dancing in the streets, blaring happy horns into Wednesday morning.

But campaign rhetoric soon collides with the gritty duties of governing, and hard realities stand in Obama's way.

The youthful president-elect appears to know this. His victory speech emphasized humility far more than his fabled confidence, with remarks heavily leavened by references to the difficulties before the nation.

He declared "change has come to America" and closed with his "yes we can" campaign slogan, but not before speaking of the certainty of setbacks. "The road ahead will be long," Obama warned. "We may not get there in one year or even one term."

Atop Obama's challenge list is the global and domestic turmoil that he inherits. None of it is his own making, but it will shape his presidency before he lifts one finger.

The worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. Two wars in unstable, hostile lands. Other foreign hot spots such as Pakistan and Congo, nuclear standoffs with North Korea and Iran. A warming planet.

Then there are high health care and energy costs, sunken home values, wiped-out retirement and investment accounts. A federal deficit that is exploding as the nation throws money at its economic problems, sure to crimp Obama's ability to spend his way to solutions.

He also faces challenging political realities.

Obama has a largely liberal voting record and owes a debt to the left wing of the Democratic Party, which mobilized millions on his behalf. These folks embraced his promises to end the Iraq war, move toward universal health care coverage and address harsh terrorist interrogation practices.

But Obama also appealed to the broader electorate as a pragmatist who pledged virtually party-blind government. He will have to decide whether it is better to disappoint the more liberal troops out of the gate or wait until later.

"A lot of people are not going to be happy in the first two years," said Democratic strategist Joe Trippi.

Matt Bennett of the center-left group

Third Way
said that Obama is for centrist ideas such as middle-class tax cuts and seems likely to wait on contentious goals such as overhauling the U.S. health care system.

"We do believe him when he says he's a moderate," Bennett said. "We think that's how he's going to govern."

Once the changeover happens, those who believed his "change we can believe in" slogan will want things to move quickly.

How might he go about it?

Even after nearly two years in the spotlight, little is understood about the 47-year-old first-term senator's approach to leadership. His resume: community organizer, eight years as state legislator, and less than four as U.S. senator.

As a lawmaker, he has displayed a knack for working with Republicans on a handful of favorite issues. But he has devoted most of his time in the Senate to running for president. Unlike the past seven presidents, he was never a governor or vice president. And unlike John F. Kennedy, the last senator to move directly to the presidency, Obama has not commanded troops in wartime.

Personally, he's a bit of an enigma, too.

He did lead his campaign, a huge, nearly billion-dollar operation. Throughout, he showed himself to have a detached, cerebral decision-making style that can sometimes seems out of sync with his natural charisma.

He also showed himself to be a highly disciplined, CEO-style manager. The leak-proof, tightly managed and orderly Obama operation mimics the Bush White House, and flows from "No Drama Obama" himself — a man so focused that he didn't give himself a day off from working out, even the morning after winning the presidency.

In keeping with his measured demeanor, Obama did nothing flashy his first day as president-elect, keeping to breakfast with his family and a thank-you visit to campaign workers.

All that said, he's got plenty of things in his favor.

First and foremost, he was elected exactly the way he wanted to be — in an electoral landslide. He took not only traditionally Democratic states, but once-solid Republican territory too. That allows him to claim, credibly, a broad mandate for his ideas.

So the Democrats who run Capitol Hill, for all their savvy in the ways of Washington and potential disagreements with their president, might think twice about clashing too aggressively with him. On a more practical level, they will not want to risk missing out during the midterm election cycle two years from now on Obama's eye-popping fundraising skills.

Further, the much-vaunted technological side of Obama's campaign means he could appeal directly to voters around recalcitrant lawmakers, using e-mail, text messages, Facebook and other tools.

Said Trippi, "I would not like to be a member of Congress standing in the way of passing his energy bill."

Still, Obama's honeymoon with the public — both anxious and hopeful — could be fragile.

One of the many revelers who spontaneously flocked to the White House after Obama's win, chanting, screaming and waving signs like, "Why Wait? Evict Bush Now," summed it up.

"I came down here to make a prayer ... that we'll be able to change the nation and the world," said Hollis Gentry.

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 23:03:24  [评论]

2008美国大选人物点评: 总统,女人,种族

2008美国大选人物点评: 总统,女人,种族

2008美国大选人物点评: 总统,女人,种族


不出所料,还没等到西部投票站收关,共和党总统候选人麦肯凤凰城竞选总部里已经哀嚎一片,WHY?竞选重镇宾州失守,甚至连过去两届把声名狼籍的布什送上台的俄亥俄也相继沦陷。


果然等到11点,传统民主党自由派大本营的西部刚一关闭投票,CNN,ABC,NBC,CBS,PBS等迫不及待,根本不等记票出来,就早早宣布民主党总统候选人奥巴马赢了!

热闹非常、轰轰烈烈的2008美国大选终于划上句号,其中参与人数之多,戏剧效果之浓,前所未有。跟看世界杯、超级碗一样,他们到底表现如何,让咱们个个打分点评,哈。

奥巴马:10
----------
2004年还是个新锐的参议员,当时有人说这人是民主党的希望,俺还有些将信将疑。2008参加竞选,一蹴可就,可谓效率奇高!

虽然他本人政绩平平,但口才很好,风度极佳,三次辩论冷静沉着,让人刮目相看。最关键是其看准当前美国人,尤其年轻人厌恶传统白宫、华盛顿政治,很早推出"change"口号,可谓颇具匠心,一锤定音!虽然后来的希拉里、麦肯也看到这个口号的神奇,一再效仿,可惜只是东施效颦而已。

小奥本人也是运气极佳,本来领先削弱,如同及时雨的华尔街崩溃,让他再次大幅前进,挺进白宫!

麦肯:5
----------
麦老头是个硬骨头,想想当年作为将军的儿孙,硬是不肯示弱,被越共折磨多年,就让人佩服!虽是共和党,但麦老头常常异类投票,坚持观点。让人佩服。不过这也导致2004落败布什,直到今年才获得良机。

麦老头人是好人,但太老,三场辩论,尽显疲态。他也太不懂经济。也就在华尔街崩溃前夕,他居然说美国经济情况良好,让大家大跌眼镜。选定问题"花瓶"佩林作为副总统候选也让人对他的任人标准发生怀疑。

最大的失策是迟迟不与布什划清界限,导致小奥一再强化民众麦肯就是布什的印象!虽然他一再强调小奥加税加税,但害怕了布什的那些连工作房子都保不住的人,哪里还顾得上GP加税?


白登:8
----------
当初小奥宣布白登做副手,就是为了弥补自己经验上的不足。白老头成功的完成了这一使命,利用自己在华盛顿的多年经验,一再抨击他的"朋友"麦肯,并在副总统辩论中俺既定计划痛计佩林,非常尽职本分的扮演了副总统候选人的角色。

缺点是老头确实很罗嗦,也没佩林好看,

佩林:3
--------
选美出身的佩林在共和党大会上让所有人眼前一亮,抢足了风头,可是等星光稍淡后,"美女无脑"全都露出来了。就聪明程度,俺看SNL模仿她的的Tina
Fey也比她强,哈。唯一的一场辩论中,看着幕后智囊给的单子照本宣科的让人可怜。

麦肯本意是为了让佩林夺来希拉里的支持者,可是任何有知识,有文化,有思想的独立女性根本不可能选这个"涂着口红"的布什么。

不过,这个女人野心很大,在竞选后期感觉没希望后,有些跟麦肯若即若离,为自己2012年做准备。不过就本次竞选看,她绝对是麦肯的负担。


米歇儿.奥巴马:6
----------
早期的怨妇形象让很多人倒足胃口,尤其希拉里的支持者。后期跟麦肯的竞选中,表现比较规矩,尤其在LARRY
KING采访中,盛赞对手佩林,作为女人工作、从政的不易,让人称道。

米歇儿面相较凶,据谣传,作为奥巴马的前mentor婚后对奥管得很严,希望这是个好事,能杜绝自由派人士粘花惹草的陋习,让小奥专心工作,防止"莱文斯机"事件重演,哈,但也千万别太多干涉政务。


辛笛.麦肯:10
----------
确实是漂亮啊!每次麦肯演讲,辛笛都微笑的站在后排,一道美丽的风景线啊。实在是可惜不能成为最美第一夫人了。

布什:1
---------
选举中从来没见过这样的总统,没人愿意邀请他讲话,甚至人人都怕说跟他有联系!?执政8年,打仗不断,经济崩溃,国债高筑。。。毫无疑问,布什将成为美国历史上最差总统之一。其实,与其说奥巴马奋斗赢得选举,不如说布什送他进了白宫。

布什也算识趣,选举的的时候知道自己惹人嫌,偷偷躲起来,可以得1分,哈

现在的烂摊子也不能只怪布什,难道不是美国人民两次将他推上总统宝座的?这也许就是民主的代价。

女人:10
---------
从希拉里到佩林,女人除了传统的家庭妇女形象,开始走上政治舞台.尽管馅饼来得太突然,佩林显然没准备好,有些仓皇失措,但美国第一个女总统的时代不会远了.

奥巴马的上台也给长期不同工同酬的女人们争得应有的权利.

再看看"妻管严"的奥总统,女人这次大获全胜,.


白人:9
---------
让所有人担心的Bradley effect(白人口是心非,不投黑人)根本就没发生,仅从这一点看,就得赞扬白人!有着种族歧视历史的,占人口绝大多数的白人本次没有根据肤色划线,把奥巴马送进白宫,体现美国多年种族平等教育的成功和民主思想的深入。。。

当然也别太拔高,在没工作,吃不饱饭,失去房子面前,宗族歧视是个P啊,哈。

黑人:8
----------
106岁的Ann Nixon Cooper终于等到了这一天,她能够不因为自己是女人是黑人而被拒在投票站之外,更重要的是跟她肤色一样的奥巴马成为美国历史上的第一个黑人总统!

黑人多年不懈奋争的民权运动终于开花结果,很多人都激动得痛哭流涕. 不容易,确实不容易阿!

尽管选举结束,奥巴马朋友怀特传教士那些憎恨美国的不良言论还言犹在耳,希望黑人们也能从此彻底摆脱受害人心态,勤奋努力,帮助自己的黑人总统重建美国. 否则4年后,奥巴马还得背负"养黑人懒汉"的罪名狼狈下台.

华人:2
--------
都说白人非常宗族歧视,但其实咱们华人一点都不差。不少华人自己本身就是少数民族,却张口闭口就说奥巴马是"黑猴""黑骗",根本不顾具体的所谓竞选政策,就是一个"他黑人,我信不过!",让人实在是汗颜。

华人在美国的力量实在是渺小,前几天费城唐人街要建赌场,华人组织去游行示威,看似热闹,但根本没用处,外边闹你的,里面照样通过提议,赌场修还得修!你们华人的意见算个P!MD。

黑人懂得自己争取权利,华人只知道坐着等施舍;黑人为了争取自己的权利,流过血,坐过牢,而华人小心谨慎,忍气吞声,夹着尾巴做人;黑人懂得重在参与,华人就知道事不关己、高高挂起;黑人懂得团结,华人一盘散沙,就知道窝里横(不信,去中文论坛,看看,哈)。。。

美国梦的精神就是个人奋斗,没有任何背景的少数族裔奥巴马成功入主白宫,正体现了美国梦的伟大!

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 23:02:19  [评论]

Obama Elected President 奥巴马当选总统 创造历史!


奥巴马当选美首位黑人总统 年轻变革让其创造历史 

奥巴马梦圆白宫  白宫之路  2008美国总统选举 

    美国人民已经作出最终决定。公元2008115日,巴拉克·奥巴马,事实上已成第56届美国总统。

    这次历史性的大选,奥巴马赢得最后的胜利,成为美国历史上第一位黑人总统。

    这是美国历史上最漫长的一次大选,其中充满了挑战和惊奇,并创造了多项历史。虽然在大选日,奥巴马几无悬念地一路领先,但此前的过程绝非轻松。

    2633天前,当这名伊利诺伊州参议员,在一个寒冷的冬日早晨宣布竞选时,谁也没想到那张稚嫩的黑色脸孔能走那么远。

    633天前,奥巴马45岁;现在,奥巴马47岁。改变的不仅是年龄,而且是一个被奥巴马改变的世界。这是活着的历史。

    当奥巴马以双位数民调领先时,批评、怀疑仍然不绝于耳,被一遍遍重复的布莱德利效应,像是跨不过去的魔咒。

    以至于奥巴马屡次告诉欢呼雷动的支持者,不要自满,“一秒也不要相信大选已经结束,一分钟也不要去想对手让步,我们仍要努力,因为最后几天决定着未来。

    有迹象表明,这位黑人参议员不仅有意当选总统,而且有志于成为一个伟大的总统。奥巴马向林肯、曼德拉致敬,实现种族的和解;向肯尼迪致敬,超越党派政治,推动社会前行。

    麦凯恩是一个受人尊敬的老兵,战斗是麦凯恩提及最多的一个词,但他似乎更沉迷属于过去的光荣。

    8月份俄罗斯和格鲁吉亚交战后,麦凯恩面对战事无法克制情绪化;面对金融危机,麦凯恩缺乏有效的应对方案。

    其败选也在于他的副手选择。佩林在大选过程中被证明并不胜任,麦凯恩这位罹患过癌症、身体随时有可能出状况的72岁老兵,这场政治赌博被证明是次失败的冒险。

    9月中,金融危机爆发,麦凯恩阵营陷入被动。而最终,麦凯恩败给自己的选择。

    这场选举,我们看到变革的力量。

    选择,也是追问内心的旅程。选民在投票时候,或许都会拷问自己,是不是真的放弃了肤色的偏见?

    而作为外部观察者的其他地区,也在屏住呼吸,在看,在思考。瞧,那个黑皮肤的美国人。那个黑皮肤的总统。

    此前,我们的内心仍然充满怀疑,此刻,我们可以相信,年轻的力量必将超越成见,变革的力量必将创造历史,

    这场选举,我们还看到互联网的力量,奥巴马第一次用互联网筹款,无数网民以微薄之力汇聚起来的变革力量,让人动容。

    奥巴马面临挑战。美国面临内忧外患,政治期待革新。

    伊拉克战事的烂摊子、恐怖袭击威胁,本·拉登依然逍遥在外,基地组织可能在政权交接、奥巴马新政府刚成立时发动袭击,制造混乱。

    此次大选被认为是美国当代史上最重要的一次,新任总统当选初期组建政府的任务繁重,需要任命约2000名政府官员,涉及4万个职位变动。

    更重要的是,新总统上任后面对的,是自1933年罗斯福上任以来最恶劣的经济环境,整个市场陷于崩溃边缘、消费者信心跌至新低、失业率不断增加,更有10万亿美元的国债。

    肇始于华尔街的金融海啸已席卷全球,这是第一次真正意义上的全球经济危机。

    历史告诉我们,再糟糕的状况都无需圣人,无需拯救世界于水火的英雄或者超人。但是一个更为有活力、更愿意变革的人,有冷静头脑和良好判断力的领导者,无疑将增强混乱时代的信心。

    我们对奥巴马怀有期待:第一,他需要将美国带出困境;第二, 美国在911事件7周年后,必须反思。他需要率领美国超越旧思想。

    无疑,正如希拉里评价那样,奥巴马是一位“危机时刻的庄重总统”

    确实,奥巴马已创造了历史。

    我们可以看到,通过民主选举力量,可以更好地实现历史沟壑的和解;通过民众自我选择,达到社会的整体动员。这场选举,让美国人看到了更好的一个自我,也必将在世界范围形成正面的影响。

    这不是垂垂老矣的世界,这是一个互联、平等的新世界;这不是选举的结束,而是一个可能的新开始。

    或许,我们面临的是一个迷茫而混乱的时代,但这一刻,请放下所有纷争和怀疑,让我们欢呼。

    奥巴马总统,祝贺你。

    Congratulations,Mr. President Obama!

奥巴马含泪闯白宫 缔造历史!

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 23:00:40  [评论]

英文原文:

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
 
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
 
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
 
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
 
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
 
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
 
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
 
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
 
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
 
We cannot walk alone.
 
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
 
We cannot turn back.
 
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only."* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
 
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
 
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
 
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
 
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
 
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
 
I have a dream today!
 
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
 
I have a dream today!
 
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²
 
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
 
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

                            
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
 
                              Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
                              Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
                              Pennsylvania.
                              Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
                              Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
                              But not only that:
                              Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
                              Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
                              Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
 
                              Free at last! Free at last!
                              Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 23:00:03  [评论]

从马丁·路德·金到奥巴马:我有一个梦(组图)

马丁·路德·金:我有一个梦

1963828

1963828日,逾二十万美国人聚集于美国首都,为全体人民同享公正在林肯纪念堂和华盛顿纪念馆之间的林荫道上以和平集会方式举行示威。在当天激动人心的演说中,小马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦》这篇演讲尤其扣人心弦。他用高昂雄辩的言语自觉地将宗教修辞与人们耳熟能详的爱国主义象征熔为一炉,表达了一种对理想世界的预言和振奋人心的观念。这篇《我有一个梦》演说词作为对民权运动目标的精辟阐述迅速进入了美国语言和全民意识。 

        一百年以前,一位伟大的美国人——我们就站在他象征性的庇荫下——签署了解放宣言。这一重要的法令犹如灯塔把辉煌的希望之光带给千百万饱受屈辱、处于水深火热中的黑人。它就像欢快的黎明来临,结束了奴隶被囚禁的漫漫长夜。

        然而一百年后的今天,我们不能不面对这一悲剧性的事实,即黑人仍未获得自由。一百年后的今天,黑人的生命仍惨遭种族隔离桎梏和种族歧视枷锁的束缚。一百年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质繁荣的汪洋大海所包围的贫穷孤岛上。一百年后的今天,黑人仍蜷缩在美国社会的偏僻角落,感到自己是自己国家里的流放者。因此我们今天来到这里以引起人们对一种骇人听闻的情况的注意。

        在某种意义上,我们来到我国首都是为着兑支票。当我们共和国的创建者们写下宪法和独立宣言时,他们也就签署了一份期票,每个美国人都有它的继承权。这期票是一种许诺,保证给予每一个人不可转让的生活、自由和追求幸福的权利。

        显而易见,今天美国在关系到她有色人种公民的问题上已对这份期票违约。美国没有承兑这一神圣的契约,而是给黑人一张空头支票;该支票被写上“存款不足”退回。但是我们不相信正义的银行已破产。我们不相信这个国家机会的金库中已存款不足。所以我们来此兑支票—一这支票将按要求给予我们自由的财富和公正的保障。

 
       我们来到这神圣的地点,也是为了提醒美国记住现在极端紧迫的任务。目前不是享受一下清静或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在该实现民主的许诺了。现在该从种族隔离黑暗荒凉的峡谷走上种族公平的金光大道了。现在该向上帝所有的孩子们打开机会的大门了。现在该把我国从种族歧视的流沙中救出,置于兄弟情谊的坚硬岩石之上了。

 
       倘若这个国家忽视了此刻紧迫的形势,低估了黑人的决心,那将造成致命的后果。这一黑人合理不满的闷热夏季将不会过去,直到自由平等的爽朗秋季来临。一九六三年不是终结,而是开端。倘若国家一如既往恢复原样,那些希望黑人只是需要出出气,现在可以满意的人将会大失所望。美国将没有安宁和平静,除非黑人获得了他们的公民权。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基础,直到公正的晴天出现。

        但有件事我得告诉我的站在通向公正之宫温暖入口的人民。在争取我们合法地位的斗争过程中,我们不应干违法之事。我们切莫端起苦涩和仇恨的杯子来满足自己对自由的渴求。我们必须永远在尊严的纪律的高水平上开展斗争。我们决不能让我们创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行动。我们必须一次又一次升华到用精神力量对付武力的崇高境界。

 
       黑人社区洋溢着崭新的战斗精神不应导致我们对一切白人都不信任,因为我们许多白人弟兄,正如他们今天的到场所证明的,已意识到他们的自由与我们的自由血肉相连,不可分割。我们不能独自行进。

        我们一旦起步,就必须发誓勇往直前。我们不能往回走。有人这样问民权运动的忠实斗士:你们何时才能满足?

        只要黑人仍是警察暴行难以形容的恐怖的受害者,我们就决不会满足。

        只要我们虽经旅途奔波浑身疲乏仍无法在公路或城市中租用汽车游客旅馆,我们就决不会满足。

        只要黑人的基本流动方式只是从一处较小的黑人区迁到一处较大的黑人区,我们就决不会满足。

        只要密西西比州有一个黑人不能投票,只要纽约有一个黑人认为没有什么东西值得他去投票,我们就不会满足。

        是的,我们不满足,而且我们将永不满足,直到公正如洪水,正义如激流滚滚而来。

        我不能不注意到,你们有些人经历了巨大的痛苦和磨难来到这里。你们有些人刚从狭窄的牢房出来。你们有些人来自某些地区,在那里你们因争取自由惨遭迫害,被警察的暴行所摧残。你们已是为创造而受苦的老战士。继续怀着这一信念工作吧:并非由自己招致的苦难将带来补偿。

        回密西西比去,回亚拉巴马去,回南卡罗来纳去,回佐治亚去,回路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市的贫民窟和黑人区去,既然你们知道因某种原因形势可能而且必将发生变化。我们且莫在绝望的山谷中打滚。

        我今天对你们说,我的朋友们,尽管眼下困难重重,颇多挫折,我仍然有一个梦。它深深植根于美国梦。

        我梦见总有一天这个国家将站立起来,实现它的信条的真谛:我们认为这些真理不言自明:人人生而平等。

        我梦见有一天在佐治亚的红山上,原先的奴隶的儿子们与原先奴隶主的儿子们坐在一张桌子旁共叙手足情。

        我梦见有一天甚至密西西比州遭不公正和压迫的酷热煎熬的沙漠将变成自由和公正的绿洲。

        我梦见有一天自己的四个孩子将生活在一个国家,在那里人们对他们的评价不是根据肤色,而是根据品格。

        我今天有一个梦。

        我梦见有一天亚拉巴马州——其州长最近大谈干预,鼓吹拒绝执行国会的法令——将会大变样,黑人儿童与白人儿童携手并肩,亲如手足。


        我今天有一个梦。

        我梦见有一天每一条山谷都升高,每一座山头都降低,地势崎岖的地方变得平坦,弯弯曲曲的地带变得笔直,而上帝的光辉得以展现,让所有的人都看见。


        这是我们的希望。正是怀着这一信念我回南方。怀着这信念我们将能从绝望的大山中开凿出希望的石块。怀着这信念我们将能把我国的一片嘈杂吵闹声变为一曲华丽的兄弟情谊的交响乐。

        怀着这信念,我们将能够一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起入狱,一起为自由挺身而出,因为我们知道有一天我们将会自由。

        那将是这样的一天,届时上帝所有的孩子将能唱出新的意义:“你是我的祖国,美好的自由之邦,我要为你歌唱。父辈葬身之处,移民夸耀之土,让我自由之声,响彻每个山冈。

        如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这就必须变成现实。让自由从新罕布什尔的崇山峻岭响起。让自由从宾夕法尼亚高高阿勒格尼山响起!

        让自由从科罗拉多白雪覆盖的落矶山脉响起!让自由从加利福尼亚透迤的群山响起!不仅如此,还要让自由从佐治亚的石山上响起!让自由从田纳西的卢考特山响起!

        让自由从密西西比每座山头和小丘响起。让自由从每一处山腰响起。

        当我们让自由鸣响,让自由从每一座村庄响起,从每一个州和每一个城市响起,我们就能使这一天更快来临,那时上帝所有的孩子们,不论是黑人还是白人,犹太人还是非犹太人,新教徒还是天主教徒,都将手拉着手高唱一首古老的黑人圣歌的歌词:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢万能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 22:59:26  [评论]
奧巴馬一代

美國年輕人將奧巴馬推上總統寶座

國際在線專稿:美國有線電視新聞網(CNN)在美國東部時間11月4日晚(北京時間5日)打出大幅標題“奧巴馬創造歷史”,宣布奧巴馬贏得加利福尼亞州、夏威夷、俄勒岡州全部候選人票,選舉人票總數達到294票,超過半數270張,當選美國第44任總統。同時,福克斯新聞網也以“奧巴馬總統”為題宣布了這一消息。截至北京時間5日13時20分,奧巴馬共獲得了338張選舉人票。

  10萬名奧巴馬支持者喜極而泣

  另據美聯社報導,全部投票結束一分鐘後,麥凱恩打電話給奧巴馬,祝賀他取得勝利。消息傳出後,已經在芝加哥格蘭特公園守候多時的10萬名奧巴馬支持者喜極而泣,大聲歡呼“是的,我們可以!”4日晚,奧巴馬將在這里宣布自己贏得總統選舉。芝加哥市市長此前稱,到時候將有100萬人“擠”到格蘭特公園,他一點都不會感到奇怪。另外還有更多的人將在公園外通過電視屏幕見証這一歷史時刻。

  奧巴馬在此次競選中創造了一系列歷史記錄,美國弗吉尼亞州自1964年開始就再也沒有投票支持過民主黨人,但是在此次總統選舉中,奧巴馬獲得了全部13張選舉人票。

  “奧巴馬一代”一代的勝利

  有評論指出,“奧巴馬一代”(18歲至30歲的年輕人)是奧巴馬獲勝的關鍵因素。此言不謬。本次大選中種族傾向、性別因素和年齡差異發揮巨大作用,直接影響選情。奧巴馬在女性、年輕人、黑人和西班牙裔中獲得廣泛支持。

  令人矚目的是,在2008年大選中以往對選舉政治並不熱心的美國青年一代參選人氣十分高漲,大多數青年人的目標十分明確──把自己的“偶像”奧巴馬推上總統寶座。

  與美國的傳統選民不同,美國青年對純粹的政治議題並不感興趣,他們最擔心的是美國的經濟。因為經濟問題與他們的生活息息相關,大學學費增長令年輕人負債累累,醫療保險問題也沒有得到解決,經濟危機還造成大量失業。因此在經濟複蘇方面,年輕人更信任民主黨。(徐冰川/流水)

 
unavail
45岁,加州
评论于:2008-11-05 22:58:50  [评论]

In Our Lifetime

 

At that moment, an entire race, one that in 1863 in the United States comprised 4.4 million souls, became a unified people, breathing with one heart, speaking with one voice, united in mind and spirit, all their aspirations concentrated into a laser beam of almost blind hope and desperate anticipation.

It is astounding to think that many of us today—myself included—can remember when it was a huge deal for a black man or woman to enter the White House through the front door, and not through the servants' entrance. Paul Cuffe, the wealthy sea captain, shipping merchant, and the earliest "Back to Africa" black colonist, will forever have the distinction of being the first black person to be invited to the White House for an audience with the president. Cuffe saw President James Madison at the White House on May 2, 1812, at precisely 11 a.m. and asked the president's intervention in recovering his famous brig Traveller, which had been impounded because officials said he had violated the embargo with Britain. Cuffe, after the Quaker fashion, called Madison "James"; "James," in turn, got Paul's brig back for him, probably because Cuffe and Madison both favored the emigration of freed slaves back to Africa. (Three years later, on Dec. 10, 1815, Cuffe used this ship to carry 38 black people from the United States to Sierra Leone.)

From Frederick Douglass, who visited Lincoln three times during his presidency (and every president thereafter until his death in 1895), to Soujourner Truth and Booker T. Washington, each prominent black visitor to the White House caused people to celebrate another "victory for the race." Blacks became frequent visitors to Franklin Roosevelt's White House; FDR even had a "Kitchen Cabinet" through which blacks could communicate the needs of their people. Because of the civil rights movement, Lyndon Johnson had a slew of black visitors, as well. During Bill Clinton's presidency, I attended a White House reception with so many black political, academic and community leaders that it occurred to me that there hadn't been as many black people in the Executive Mansion perhaps since slavery. Everyone laughed at the joke, because they knew, painfully, that it was true.

Visiting the White House is one thing; occupying the White House is quite another. And yet, African-American aspirations to the White House date back generations. The first black man put forward on a ticket as a political party's nominee for U.S. president was George Edwin Taylor, on the National Liberty Party ticket in 1904. Portions of his campaign document could have been written by Barack Obama:

"… in the light of the history of the past four years, with a Republican president in the executive chair, and both branches of Congress and a majority of the Supreme Court of the same political faith, we are confronted with the amazing fact that more than one-fifth of the race are actually disfranchised, robbed of all the rights, powers and benefits of true citizenship, we are forced to lay aside our prejudices, indeed, our personal wishes, and consult the higher demands of our manhood, the true interests of the country and our posterity, and act while we yet live, 'ere the time when it shall be too late. No other race of our strength would have quietly submitted to what we have during the past four years without a rebellion, a revolution, or an uprising."

The revolution that Taylor goes on to propose, he says, is one "not by physical force, but by the ballot," with the ultimate sign of the success being the election of the nation's first black president.



But given all of the racism to which black people were subjected following Reconstruction and throughout the first half of the 20th century, no one could actually envision a Negro becoming president—"not in our lifetimes," as our ancestors used to say. When James Earl Jones became America's first black fictional president in the 1972 film, "The Man," I remember thinking, "Imagine that!" His character, Douglass Dilman, the president pro tempore of the Senate, ascends to the presidency after the president and the speaker of the House are killed in a building collapse, and after the vice president declines the office due to advanced age and ill health. A fantasy if ever there was one, we thought. But that year, life would imitate art: Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm attempted to transform "The Man" into "The Woman," becoming the first black woman to run for president in the Democratic Party. She received 152 first-ballot votes at the Democratic National Convention. Then, in 1988, Jesse Jackson got 1,219 delegate votes at the Democratic convention, 29 percent of the total, coming in second only to the nominee, Michael Dukakis.

The award for prescience, however, goes to Jacob K. Javits, the liberal Republican senator from New York who, incredibly, just a year after the integration of Central High School in Little Rock, predicted that the first black president would be elected in the year 2000. In an essay titled "Integration from the Top Down" printed in Esquire magazine in 1958, he wrote:

"What manner of man will this be, this possible Negro Presidential candidate of 2000? Undoubtedly, he will be well-educated. He will be well-traveled and have a keen grasp of his country's role in the world and its relationships. He will be a dedicated internationalist with working comprehension of the intricacies of foreign aid, technical assistance and reciprocal trade. … Assuredly, though, despite his other characteristics, he will have developed the fortitude to withstand the vicious smear attacks that came his way as he fought to the top in government and politics those in the vanguard may expect to be the targets for scurrilous attacks, as the hate mongers, in the last ditch efforts, spew their verbal and written poison."

In the same essay, Javits predicted both the election of a black senator and the appointment of the first black Supreme Court justice by 1968. Edward Brooke was elected to the Senate by Massachusetts voters in 1966. Thurgood Marshall was confirmed in 1967. Javits also predicted that the House of Representatives would have "between thirty and forty qualified Negroes" in the 106th Congress in 2000. In fact, there were 37 black U.S. representatives, among them 12 women.

Sen. Javits was one very keen prognosticator. When we consider the characteristics that he insisted the first black president must possess—he must be well-educated, well-traveled, have a keen grasp of his country's role in the world, be a dedicated internationalist and have a very thick skin—it is astonishing how accurately he is describing the background and character of Barack Obama.

I wish we could say that Barack Obama's election will magically reduce the numbers of teenage pregnancies or the level of drug addiction in the black community. I wish we could say that what happened last night will suddenly make black children learn to read and write as if their lives depended on it, and that their high school completion rates will become the best in the country. I wish we could say that these things are about to happen, but I doubt that they will.

But there is one thing we can proclaim today, without question: that the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States of America means that "The Ultimate Color Line," as the subtitle of Javits' Esquire essay put it, has, at long last, been crossed. It has been crossed by our very first postmodern Race Man, a man who embraces his African cultural and genetic heritage so securely that he can transcend it, becoming the candidate of choice to tens of millions of Americans who do not look like him.

How does that make me feel? Like I've always imagined my father and his friends felt back in 1938, on the day that Joe Louis knocked out Max Schmeling. But ten thousand times better than that. All I can say is "Amazing Grace! How sweet the sound."

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